The Senate’s renewed pledge to amend the 1999 Constitution and pave the way for state police before the end of 2026 is no longer just a policy aspiration — it is now a defined legislative commitment with a ticking clock.
According to Senate spokesperson, Yemi Adaramodu, work on the constitutional review will resume immediately after plenary reconvenes. His assurance that the amendment will be concluded “before electioneering starts” signals an urgency rarely associated with constitutional reform.
The message is clear: the National Assembly wants this done — and done fast.
Presidential Push and Political Convergence
The momentum did not begin in the Senate chamber alone. At the Presidential Villa in Abuja during a breaking of fast with the lawmakers, President Bola Tinubu directly urged lawmakers to begin thinking “how best to amend the constitution to incorporate the state police for us to secure our country, take over our forests from marauders, free our children from fear.”
That framing matters. This is not merely a structural adjustment; it is being presented as a national security imperative.
Even more significantly, the President warned against a “straight free fall for everybody,” insisting on safeguards against abuse by governors. In doing so, he acknowledged the central anxiety that has long stalled this reform: how to decentralise force without decentralising impunity.
What is unfolding is rare in Nigerian politics — broad-based alignment. The Presidency supports it. Governors reportedly support it. The National Assembly appears eager. As Adaramodu put it, state police is “a popular demand.”
But popularity alone does not guarantee prudence.
Why the Pressure Is Real
Nigeria’s security strain is undeniable. The centralised policing model, anchored in the Nigeria Police Force under the Federal Government of Nigeria, is stretched thin across 36 states with vastly different terrain and threats.
The National President of Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria, Baba Ngelzarma, underscored a key point: there is a shortage of security personnel. Decentralisation, he argued, may be the only viable avenue to provide adequate manpower to combat criminality.
That admission reframes the debate. This is not simply about federalism theory; it is about boots on the ground.
Similarly, Afenifere emphasized that many crimes occur at the local level and are best addressed through locally driven structures. Kidnappings, communal clashes, and rural banditry do not wait for federal clearance. They require proximity, intelligence, and immediate response.
State police promises exactly that — if structured correctly.
The Safeguards Question
The loudest caution from across stakeholder groups is not opposition to state police itself, but fear of abuse.
Both Miyetti Allah and Afenifere warned that governors must not be handed unchecked coercive power. Recruitment, they insist, must reflect ethnic and religious diversity within each state to prevent domination. Oversight must be constitutional, not cosmetic.
There are practical suggestions already on the table:
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Move policing from the Exclusive List to the Concurrent List through amendment of Section 214.
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Empower the National Assembly to create supervisory mechanisms.
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Provide constitutional penalties for abuse.
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Allow citizens judicial recourse where misuse is suspected.
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Ensure federal regulatory oversight over state formations.
These are not abstract concerns. Nigeria’s First Republic provides historical memory of regional police allegedly used as political weapons. Lawmakers must not dismiss that history; they must legislate against its repetition.
If state police becomes an extension of gubernatorial political machinery, the reform will fail morally and practically.
Timing Before Politics
One of the most striking elements of the Senate’s pledge is its timeline. Adaramodu emphasized that the amendment would be concluded before general election campaigns begin.
That is a critical strategic decision.
Constitutional reform during peak campaign season risks being weaponised along party lines. By resolving the amendment ahead of electioneering, lawmakers may shield it from partisan distortion.
Yet speed must not come at the expense of scrutiny. Constitutional amendments require approval by two-thirds of state assemblies. The groundwork — zonal consultations, stakeholder engagements, compiled reports — has reportedly been done. But the final drafting will determine whether this reform becomes transformative or troublesome.
Federalism on Trial
At its heart, this debate is about the kind of federation Nigeria wants to be.
True federalism distributes not just administrative duties but security responsibilities. Moving policing to the Concurrent List would not abolish federal policing; it would create layered protection — federal and state — each with defined boundaries.
As some advocates have rightly noted, the existence of state police does not erase the federal police. It complements it.
The question, therefore, is not whether Nigeria should decentralise security. The question is whether it can design decentralisation intelligently.
A Promise That Must Mean Something
The Senate has now publicly tied its credibility to a year-end deadline. Nigerians will measure this promise not by press statements, but by the quality of the amendment eventually passed.
If lawmakers deliver a constitutionally sound framework — with recruitment balance, oversight authority, judicial safeguards, and fiscal clarity — 2026 could mark a turning point in Nigeria’s security architecture.
If they rush through a politically convenient but structurally weak reform, our nation may simply trade one set of security problems for another.
The Senate says it will deliver state police by year end. The nation will hold it to its word — not just for delivery, but for getting it right.